Everyone in the rad fem community is so kind and sweet and full of just anger, and it just makes me so emotional and happy to see women looking out for women.
I might cry omg. I love all of you. All. Of. You.
Rad fem pride.
The homoeroticism of group rape was pointed out in one of the first scholarly treatments of group rape, by Blanchard (1959), who commented that “the idea of ‘sharing the girl among us fellows,’ congregating around a common sexual object, and being sexually stimulated together as a group certainly have their homosexual implications” (p. 259). Similarly, in her ethnographic study of fraternity culture, Sanday (1990) commented on the obvious homoeroticism in the widespread practice of “pulling train”: “A group of men watch each other having sex with a woman who may be unconscious. One might well ask why the woman is even necessary for the sexual acts these men stage for one another” (p. 12).
Sanday goes further in describing the preoccupation with homosexuality, and playing out of homosexual feelings, that she observed in fraternity culture. For example, in a common ritual known as the “circle dance,” the “brothers” circle around, arm in arm and sometimes naked, going faster and faster until they lose control and fall down atop each other; brothers periodically step into the middle of the circle and mime sexual and/or lewd acts, including homosexual intercourse. Similarly, she found the brothers to be preoccupied with oral sex, which one fraternity man acknowledged as containing “more homoerotic potential” than heterosexual intercourse (p. 123).
The reframing of a homoerotic activity as a demonstration of heterosexuality is doubly ironic in that men who do not participate are accused of being gay. Indeed, one way men in hypermasculine environments reassure themselves of their heterosexuality — and masculinity — is through constant antigay banter and harassment. In recent years, fraternities have sported slogans such as “Drink Beer, Kill Queers” and “Club Faggots, Not Seals” on T-shirts, on rubber stamps for partygoers’ hands, and on their buses (Nardi & Bolton, 1991, p. 355; National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, 1992, p. 20).
Some rape scholars (e.g., Groth & Birnbaum, 1979; O’Sullivan, 1991) dispute the notion that group rape is homoerotic, saying it is less about sexual desire than about power, domination, and male bonding. Indeed, for many men the experience is strikingly nonerotic; men often do not ejaculate, and they frequently use objects in place of penises (O’Sullivan, 1991). In these contexts, like in some acts of individual rape, the penis is used as a symbol of male power, to conquer, degrade, and feminize.
Rather than being a homoerotic experience, the [group] rape may be experienced by participants as a dramatic contest in which one’s peers evaluate one’s sexual, or masculine, prowess.
30 Seconds To Mars - Kings & Queens
What do I think of amateur porn? I think it shows that the indoctrination process worked remarkably well.
[tw: group rape - explicit]
Rather than being a homoerotic experience, the [group] rape may be experienced by participants as a dramatic contest in which one’s peers evaluate one’s sexual, or masculine, prowess. Journalist Nathan McCall (1994), in a candid first-person account of “running trains” as a teenage boy, recalls feeling a mixture of fear, guilt, and performance anxiety:
'All the fellas were there and everybody was anxious to show everybody else how cool and worldly he was. … I wasn’t about to let it be said that I was scared of pussy. I took a deep breath and tried to relax and free my mind. I knew I couldn’t get an erection if I wasn’t relaxed. That would be even more embarrassing. I didn’t want to pull my meat out unless I had an erection. It would look small. Somebody might see it, shriveled up and tiny, and start laughing. … I placed myself into her wetness and moved my body, pretending to grind hard. After a few miserable minutes, I got up and signaled for the next man to take his turn. … Somebody whispered, “That shit is good, ain’t it?” I said, “Yeah, man. That shit is good.”. … I felt sorry for Vanessa. … I think some of the other guys felt sorry, too. But the guilt was short-lived. It was eclipsed in no time by the victory celebration. … We burst into cheers and slapped five with each other like we’d played on the winning baseball team.' (pp. 48-49)
For McCall (1994) and his crew, the train was not about sexual gratification but about homosocial bonding. “Even though it involved sex, it didn’t seem to be about sex at all. … [It] marked our real coming together as a gang. It certified us as a group of hanging partners who would do anything and everything together” (p. 49).
The absence of eroticism is even more apparent in the Mepham case. Although the victims were anally raped with objects, and many of the dramatic scenes that the victims were forced to perform featured simulated homosexual acts, there is no hint of sexual arousal or gratification. Rather, anal rape and other simulated sexual acts were used to emasculate and degrade. This is not uncommon. O’Sullivan (1998) reports on two sexual assaults by groups of athletes on weaker teammates, as well as several cases of wrestlers sexually assaulting defeated opponents as part of post-match victory celebrations. In addition, she reports an incident in which a group of fraternity men sodomized a gay man who had walked by their house holding hands with another man, thus punishing him for violating cultural norms against visible displays of homosexuality.
Thus, both group rapes and antigay violence are not only public demonstrations of masculine dominance, they are celebratory dramas. Typically, the atmosphere is one of recreation and fun. The group is reveling in its shared power. This can be true whether the men hail from the social elite, as in the case of fraternity brothers, or from less privileged backgrounds, as in McCall’s previously described account.